| Have you ever been in a situation where, because | | | | where they were greeted by experimenters, |
| of the numbers in your group, you didn't really | | | | they were told they could choose only one piece |
| give it your all? For example, maybe on an | | | | of candy. In some cases, the experimenter asked |
| academic group project you weren't as diligent as | | | | the children their names, while in other cases the |
| you would have been had you been solely | | | | children were allowed to remain anonymous. The |
| responsible for the assignment. Or, maybe you've | | | | experimenter would then leave the room, as |
| helped push a stalled car to safety with some | | | | though they had to go get something. Unseen |
| other people but didn't really push your hardest. | | | | observers took careful note of how the children |
| When we find ourselves in groups, there is a | | | | responded: When alone, 7.5 percent took more |
| diffusion of responsibility. Sometimes we don't | | | | than one piece of candy; when in groups, 20.8 |
| know whether we should even involve ourselves | | | | percent took more than one piece! It was also |
| in the first place, since there are so many other | | | | interesting to observe that the children who |
| people who could take action. Have you ever | | | | remained anonymous stole more candy than did |
| seen someone pulled over on the side of the | | | | the children who gave out their names. |
| road, but you just kept driving along with all the | | | | De-individuation prompted many of the |
| other cars speeding by? When there are large | | | | trick-or-treaters to go against what was socially |
| numbers of people involved, we tend to assume | | | | acceptable and steal more candy. |
| someone else will respond and take action first, or | | | | One particular case in history stands out as a |
| we might conclude that our help is not really | | | | classic example of Bystander Apathy. Catherine |
| needed. | | | | Genovese, a young woman living in New York |
| Numerous studies demonstrate that when | | | | City, was murdered one night when returning |
| someone is in trouble or in need of help, as the | | | | home from work. The unfortunate truth of the |
| number of bystanders increases, the number of | | | | matter was that, in a city like New York, her |
| people who actually help decreases. Termed | | | | death was just another of countless murders. |
| "Bystander Apathy," this effect occurs because, in | | | | Consequently, the incident didn't receive any more |
| almost any situation, the more people that are | | | | coverage than a few short lines in The New York |
| present, the more we feel a diffusion of | | | | Times. Genovese's story would have remained an |
| responsibility. Our sense of social pressure is | | | | obscure and incidental case had it not been for |
| lessened when we feel that there might be any | | | | the publicity given one additional fact of her killing. |
| number of people more capable of helping than | | | | A week later, A.M. Rosenthal, editor of the New |
| we are. | | | | York Times, went out to lunch with the city police |
| Another experiment conducted in New York | | | | commissioner. Rosenthal asked the commissioner |
| highlighted this tendency for "Bystander Apathy." | | | | about another homicide in the area, but the |
| It determined that when a lone individual observed | | | | commissioner, mistakenly thinking he was being |
| smoke leaking from under a door, 75 percent of | | | | asked about the Genovese case, revealed a |
| those studied reported the smoke. In groups of | | | | shocking piece of information that had been |
| three, however, reporting incidences dropped to | | | | uncovered by the police. Genovese's death had |
| 38 percent. If in that group two people | | | | not been a silent, hidden, or secretive occurrence. |
| encouraged the third person to do nothing, | | | | Rather, it had been a loud, drawn-out, public |
| reporting of the smoke dropped to 10 percent. | | | | event. As her attacker chased her down and |
| Often we don't know whether we are really | | | | stabbed her three separate times in a 35-minute |
| witnessing an emergency or not. For example, if | | | | period, thirty-eight neighbors watched from their |
| we see a man collapsed on the floor, we might | | | | apartment windows and didn't even call the police! |
| waver between two conclusions: Did he just have | | | | Rosenthal promptly assigned a team to |
| a heart attack or did he pass out because he'd | | | | investigate this incidence of "Bystander Apathy." |
| been drinking too much? So, bystanders may be | | | | Soon after, the New York Times came out with |
| "apathetic" more because of uncertainty than | | | | a lengthy, front-page article detailing the incident |
| insensitivity. And if they are uncertain, then they | | | | and the alleged reactions of the neighbors: |
| often don't help because they don't know if | | | | For more than half an hour, 38 respectable, |
| they're responsible for doing so. | | | | law-abiding citizens in Queens watched a killer stalk |
| Everybody else observing the event is also likely | | | | and stab a woman in three separate attacks in |
| to be looking for social evidence. Because most | | | | Kew Gardens. Twice the sound of their voices |
| people prefer to appear poised and levelheaded | | | | and the sudden glow of their bedroom lights |
| when in the presence of others, they are likely to | | | | interrupted him and frightened him off. Each time |
| search for that evidence with brief glances at | | | | he returned, sought her out, and stabbed her |
| those around them. Therefore, everyone sees | | | | again. Not one person telephoned the police during |
| everyone else looking unflustered and failing to | | | | the assault; one witness called after the woman |
| act. When people clearly know their responsibilities | | | | was dead." |
| in a recognized and obvious emergency, however, | | | | Everyone was completely stunned and baffled. |
| they are remarkably quick to respond. | | | | How could people just witness such a scene and |
| Festinger, Pepitone, and coined the term | | | | do absolutely nothing? Even the very neighbors |
| "de-individuation" in 1952. De-individuation refers to | | | | alluded to in the article didn't know how to explain |
| how, when we find ourselves in a group, we | | | | their inaction. Responses included, "I don't know," |
| become less self-aware and also less concerned | | | | "I was afraid," and "I didn't want to get involved." |
| with how others will evaluate us.19 Think of all the | | | | These "explanations" didn't really answer anything. |
| people you've heard yell obscenities at sporting | | | | Why couldn't one of them have just made a |
| events. Do you think they would do that if they | | | | quick, anonymous call to the police? Different |
| were in a small, intimate group watching that | | | | branches of the media--newspapers, TV stations, |
| same event? Basically, de-individuation means that | | | | magazines, radio stations--pursued their own |
| when in a group, we feel more anonymous and | | | | studies and investigations to explain the incredible |
| therefore less individually responsible for our | | | | scenario, all o f them finally arriving at the same |
| actions, often causing us to say or do things that | | | | conclusion: The witnesses simply didn't care. They |
| we would not normally feel comfortable with. | | | | concluded that there was just no other |
| Diener, Fraser, Beamnan, and Kelemn conducted a | | | | explanation, or so they thought. |
| study that showed how de-individuation can lead | | | | Do you really think thirty-eight people did not care |
| to antisocial behavior. On Halloween, researchers | | | | enough to make an anonymous phone call? Did |
| evaluated 1,352 trick-or-treaters--either alone or in | | | | the researchers not understand the diffusion of |
| groups--who had the chance to steal candy from | | | | responsibility? The neighbors did not react, thinking |
| twenty-seven Seattle homes. The researchers | | | | someone else would help or someone else would |
| figured that Halloween would be the perfect | | | | call the police. Most of us are good people. If each |
| occasion to conduct such a study because the | | | | individual neighbor knew it was up to them to |
| children would be in costume, making them more | | | | phone the police and get help, I guarantee they |
| anonymous. When the children came to doors | | | | would have made the call. |