| Have you ever been in a situation where, | | | | experimenters, they were told they could |
| because of the numbers in your group, you | | | | choose only one piece of candy. In some |
| didn't really give it your all? For example, | | | | cases, the experimenter asked the children |
| maybe on an academic group project you | | | | their names, while in other cases the |
| weren't as diligent as you would have been | | | | children were allowed to remain anonymous. |
| had you been solely responsible for the | | | | The experimenter would then leave the room, |
| assignment. Or, maybe you've helped push a | | | | as though they had to go get something. |
| stalled car to safety with some other people | | | | Unseen observers took careful note of how the |
| but didn't really push your hardest. | | | | children responded: When alone, 7.5 percent |
| | | | took more than one piece of candy; when in |
| When we find ourselves in groups, there is a | | | | groups, 20.8 percent took more than one |
| diffusion of responsibility. Sometimes we | | | | piece! It was also interesting to observe |
| don't know whether we should even involve | | | | that the children who remained anonymous |
| ourselves in the first place, since there are | | | | stole more candy than did the children who |
| so many other people who could take action. | | | | gave out their names. De-individuation |
| Have you ever seen someone pulled over on the | | | | prompted many of the trick-or-treaters to go |
| side of the road, but you just kept driving | | | | against what was socially acceptable and |
| along with all the other cars speeding by? | | | | steal more candy. |
| When there are large numbers of people | | | | |
| involved, we tend to assume someone else will | | | | One particular case in history stands out as |
| respond and take action first, or we might | | | | a classic example of Bystander Apathy. |
| conclude that our help is not really needed. | | | | Catherine Genovese, a young woman living in |
| | | | New York City, was murdered one night when |
| Numerous studies demonstrate that when | | | | returning home from work. The unfortunate |
| someone is in trouble or in need of help, as | | | | truth of the matter was that, in a city like |
| the number of bystanders increases, the | | | | New York, her death was just another of |
| number of people who actually help decreases. | | | | countless murders. Consequently, the incident |
| Termed "Bystander Apathy," this effect occurs | | | | didn't receive any more coverage than a few |
| because, in almost any situation, the more | | | | short lines in The New York Times. Genovese's |
| people that are present, the more we feel a | | | | story would have remained an obscure and |
| diffusion of responsibility. Our sense of | | | | incidental case had it not been for the |
| social pressure is lessened when we feel that | | | | publicity given one additional fact of her |
| there might be any number of people more | | | | killing. |
| capable of helping than we are. | | | | |
| | | | A week later, A.M. Rosenthal, editor of the |
| Another experiment conducted in New York | | | | New York Times, went out to lunch with the |
| highlighted this tendency for "Bystander | | | | city police commissioner. Rosenthal asked the |
| Apathy." It determined that when a lone | | | | commissioner about another homicide in the |
| individual observed smoke leaking from under | | | | area, but the commissioner, mistakenly |
| a door, 75 percent of those studied reported | | | | thinking he was being asked about the |
| the smoke. In groups of three, however, | | | | Genovese case, revealed a shocking piece of |
| reporting incidences dropped to 38 percent. | | | | information that had been uncovered by the |
| If in that group two people encouraged the | | | | police. Genovese's death had not been a |
| third person to do nothing, reporting of the | | | | silent, hidden, or secretive occurrence. |
| smoke dropped to 10 percent. | | | | Rather, it had been a loud, drawn-out, public |
| | | | event. As her attacker chased her down and |
| Often we don't know whether we are really | | | | stabbed her three separate times in a |
| witnessing an emergency or not. For example, | | | | 35-minute period, thirty-eight neighbors |
| if we see a man collapsed on the floor, we | | | | watched from their apartment windows and |
| might waver between two conclusions: Did he | | | | didn't even call the police! Rosenthal |
| just have a heart attack or did he pass out | | | | promptly assigned a team to investigate this |
| because he'd been drinking too much? So, | | | | incidence of "Bystander Apathy." Soon after, |
| bystanders may be "apathetic" more because of | | | | the New York Times came out with a lengthy, |
| uncertainty than insensitivity. And if they | | | | front-page article detailing the incident and |
| are uncertain, then they often don't help | | | | the alleged reactions of the neighbors: |
| because they don't know if they're | | | | |
| responsible for doing so. | | | | For more than half an hour, 38 respectable, |
| | | | law-abiding citizens in Queens watched a |
| Everybody else observing the event is also | | | | killer stalk and stab a woman in three |
| likely to be looking for social evidence. | | | | separate attacks in Kew Gardens. Twice the |
| Because most people prefer to appear poised | | | | sound of their voices and the sudden glow of |
| and levelheaded when in the presence of | | | | their bedroom lights interrupted him and |
| others, they are likely to search for that | | | | frightened him off. Each time he returned, |
| evidence with brief glances at those around | | | | sought her out, and stabbed her again. Not |
| them. Therefore, everyone sees everyone else | | | | one person telephoned the police during the |
| looking unflustered and failing to act. When | | | | assault; one witness called after the woman |
| people clearly know their responsibilities in | | | | was dead." |
| a recognized and obvious emergency, however, | | | | |
| they are remarkably quick to respond. | | | | Everyone was completely stunned and baffled. |
| | | | How could people just witness such a scene |
| Festinger, Pepitone, and coined the term | | | | and do absolutely nothing? Even the very |
| "de-individuation" in 1952. De-individuation | | | | neighbors alluded to in the article didn't |
| refers to how, when we find ourselves in a | | | | know how to explain their inaction. Responses |
| group, we become less self-aware and also | | | | included, "I don't know," "I was afraid," and |
| less concerned with how others will evaluate | | | | "I didn't want to get involved." These |
| us.19 Think of all the people you've heard | | | | "explanations" didn't really answer anything. |
| yell obscenities at sporting events. Do you | | | | Why couldn't one of them have just made a |
| think they would do that if they were in a | | | | quick, anonymous call to the police? |
| small, intimate group watching that same | | | | Different branches of the media--newspapers, |
| event? Basically, de-individuation means that | | | | TV stations, magazines, radio |
| when in a group, we feel more anonymous and | | | | stations--pursued their own studies and |
| therefore less individually responsible for | | | | investigations to explain the incredible |
| our actions, often causing us to say or do | | | | scenario, all o f them finally arriving at |
| things that we would not normally feel | | | | the same conclusion: The witnesses simply |
| comfortable with. | | | | didn't care. They concluded that there was |
| | | | just no other explanation, or so they |
| Diener, Fraser, Beamnan, and Kelemn conducted | | | | thought. |
| a study that showed how de-individuation can | | | | |
| lead to antisocial behavior. On Halloween, | | | | Do you really think thirty-eight people did |
| researchers evaluated 1,352 | | | | not care enough to make an anonymous phone |
| trick-or-treaters--either alone or in | | | | call? Did the researchers not understand the |
| groups--who had the chance to steal candy | | | | diffusion of responsibility? The neighbors |
| from twenty-seven Seattle homes. The | | | | did not react, thinking someone else would |
| researchers figured that Halloween would be | | | | help or someone else would call the police. |
| the perfect occasion to conduct such a study | | | | Most of us are good people. If each |
| because the children would be in costume, | | | | individual neighbor knew it was up to them to |
| making them more anonymous. When the children | | | | phone the police and get help, I guarantee |
| came to doors where they were greeted by | | | | they would have made the call. |